Durga puja Essay

Different people may have different take on the need and importance of Durga Puja. If one is looking from the traditional point of view then Durga, who is considered as the culmination of energies of the various Gods resembles the victory of the good over the evil. Goddess Durga has not only the powers to destroy evil but also the caring heart of a Mother and is therefore, referred popularly as Maa Durga. She is also referred to as Aditi – the mother of all gods and goddesses. This endearing quality of Durga makes Her so very lovable in the minds of Her followers. From being mother of all creations She equally holds the place of the destroyer. The word Durga means â€Å"durduhkhena gamyate† – destroyer of all evil and ignorance. Modern day importance – the concept of feminist Maa Durga with Her all powering qualities represents the feminist concept of women-power. It calls for the respect of the mother and women in our lives. No where it is important than in India where gender discrimination is still rampant. Durga Pujas and its various traditions like the Kumari Puja send forth an idea to the followers to respect Womanhood. in fkvbrnvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvv- vvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvv- vvvvvvvvvverfvkmedcomedcmelmclemclemcklec register | forgot Bottom of Form Maa Durga Importance of Durga Puja Different people may have different take on the need and importance of Durga Puja. If one is looking from the traditional point of view then Durga, who is considered as the culmination of energies of the various Gods resembles the victory of the good over the evil. Goddess Durga has not only the powers to destroy evil but also the caring heart of a Mother and is therefore, referred popularly as Maa Durga. She is also referred to as Aditi – the mother of all gods and goddesses. This endearing quality of Durga makes Her so very lovable in the minds of Her followers. From being mother of all creations She equally holds the place of the destroyer. The word Durga means â€Å"durduhkhena gamyate† – destroyer of all evil and ignorance. Modern day importance – the concept of feminist Maa Durga with Her all powering qualities represents the feminist concept of women-power. It calls for the respect of the mother and women in our lives. No where it is important than in India where gender discrimination is still rampant. Durga Pujas and its various traditions like the Kumari Puja send forth an idea to the followers to respect Womanhood. in fkvbrnvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvv- vvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvv- vvvvvvvvvverfvkmedcomedcmelmclemclemcklec register | forgot Bottom of Form Maa Durga Importance of Durga Puja Different people may have different take on the need and importance of Durga Puja. If one is looking from the traditional point of view then Durga, who is considered as the culmination of energies of the various Gods resembles the victory of the good over the evil. Goddess Durga has not only the powers to destroy evil but also the caring heart of a Mother and is therefore, referred popularly as Maa Durga. She is also referred to as Aditi – the mother of all gods and goddesses. This endearing quality of Durga makes Her so very lovable in the minds of Her followers. From being mother of all creations She equally holds the place of the destroyer. The word Durga means â€Å"durduhkhena gamyate† – destroyer of all evil and ignorance. Modern day importance – the concept of feminist Maa Durga with Her all powering qualities represents the feminist concept of women-power. It calls for the respect of the mother and women in our lives. No where it is important than in India where gender discrimination is still rampant. Durga Pujas and its various traditions like the Kumari Puja send forth an idea to the followers to respect Womanhood. in fkvbrnvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvv- vvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvv- vvvvvvvvvverfvkmedcomedcmelmclemclemcklec

Palio’s Ristorante

Christopher Lee Week 6 Portfolio BUSS 150, L. Fortune Bryant & Stratton College February 20, 2013 Large number of couples living together among unmarried couples have brought a lot of issues and a lot decision making in Congress. Same sex marriage and extend Employment benefit to domestic partners have been hot topic for years. Base on heavy studies of unmarried committed partners there a law that determine the will of a person who die and that is the law of interstate.The result indicate that for some groups of unmarried committed partners, will studies may not adequately reflect the extent to which intestate decedants wish their partners to share in the estate. The statute of frauds is invoked by a defendant in a breach of contract action. If the defendant can establish that the contract he has failed to perform is legally unenforceable because it has not satisfied the requirement of the statute, then the defendant cannot be liable for its breach.For example, the written contract b een a genuine prenuptial agreement, it would have been fine. It did exactly what a â€Å"pre-nup† is supposed to do, that is, it explained the terms of the agreement in specific, understandable language. However, it was not really a pre-nup, and that single fact gave the court pausehe statute of frauds will prevent the plaintiff from recovering thewhat a â€Å"pre-nup† is supposed to do, that is, it explained the terms of the agreement in specific, understandable language.The actual written agreement those satisfied all the requirments because services have been performed based upon a contract that is unenforceable because of the statute of frauds, the value of those services can nevertheless be recovered on the basis of quantum meruit, or the reasonable value of those services. â€Å"Shaping public policy is a complex and multifaceted process that involves the interplay of numerous individuals and interest groups competing and collaborating to influence policymakers to act in a particular way.These individuals and groups use a variety of tactics and tools to advance their aims, including advocating their positions publicly, attempting to educate supporters and opponents, and mobilizing allies on a particular issue. † (Wolf Robert) The Wilcox opinion extends to cohabitants the right to recover on written contracts. However, serious questions are left unanswered regarding the enforceability of oral agreements, whether recovery is permissible on implied contracts, and whether recovery by equitable means is possible.The principal would have make since in modern world because he probably never would have guessed that it would have legal ramifications long after his death. I'd be surprised if anyone could name social norms anymore. â€Å"Normality† is being faught by the counter-culture, and with that goes society. Work Cited Law of Human Behavior, Vol 22(5) Oct 1988, 479-499 Wolf, Robert, â€Å"Definition of Policy Analysis Palio’s Ristorante Christopher Lee Week 6 Portfolio BUSS 150, L. Fortune Bryant & Stratton College February 20, 2013 Large number of couples living together among unmarried couples have brought a lot of issues and a lot decision making in Congress. Same sex marriage and extend Employment benefit to domestic partners have been hot topic for years. Base on heavy studies of unmarried committed partners there a law that determine the will of a person who die and that is the law of interstate.The result indicate that for some groups of unmarried committed partners, will studies may not adequately reflect the extent to which intestate decedants wish their partners to share in the estate. The statute of frauds is invoked by a defendant in a breach of contract action. If the defendant can establish that the contract he has failed to perform is legally unenforceable because it has not satisfied the requirement of the statute, then the defendant cannot be liable for its breach.For example, the written contract b een a genuine prenuptial agreement, it would have been fine. It did exactly what a â€Å"pre-nup† is supposed to do, that is, it explained the terms of the agreement in specific, understandable language. However, it was not really a pre-nup, and that single fact gave the court pausehe statute of frauds will prevent the plaintiff from recovering thewhat a â€Å"pre-nup† is supposed to do, that is, it explained the terms of the agreement in specific, understandable language.The actual written agreement those satisfied all the requirments because services have been performed based upon a contract that is unenforceable because of the statute of frauds, the value of those services can nevertheless be recovered on the basis of quantum meruit, or the reasonable value of those services. â€Å"Shaping public policy is a complex and multifaceted process that involves the interplay of numerous individuals and interest groups competing and collaborating to influence policymakers to act in a particular way.These individuals and groups use a variety of tactics and tools to advance their aims, including advocating their positions publicly, attempting to educate supporters and opponents, and mobilizing allies on a particular issue. † (Wolf Robert) The Wilcox opinion extends to cohabitants the right to recover on written contracts. However, serious questions are left unanswered regarding the enforceability of oral agreements, whether recovery is permissible on implied contracts, and whether recovery by equitable means is possible.The principal would have make since in modern world because he probably never would have guessed that it would have legal ramifications long after his death. I'd be surprised if anyone could name social norms anymore. â€Å"Normality† is being faught by the counter-culture, and with that goes society. Work Cited Law of Human Behavior, Vol 22(5) Oct 1988, 479-499 Wolf, Robert, â€Å"Definition of Policy Analysis

Compromising Development: the Language of Instruction Dilemma

Tayebwa Morris Compromising development: The Language of Instruction dilemma in Tanzania. Introduction Following release of the Tanzania 2012 Form IV results by the Ministry of Education and Vocational Training on February 18, the media and the general public have been frantically discussing the fact that up to 60 % of the students who sat last years’ ‘O' level final failed the exam. i This has once again raised a lot of concern in and around Tanzania from educators, parents and policy makers.Among many reasons given for the failure, that has in fact been increasing every year are factors like; shortage of quality teachers, poor infrastructure and study tools. The reason that stands out however, is the poor proficiency of secondary school students in English, the language of instruction. In fact studies have shown that the same students do much better in primary school where they are taught and examined in Kiswahili, the national language.The Tanzanian Dilemma Inspite of incessant advice by policy makers and educators for a complete adoption of Kiswahili as the only medium of instruction at all levels, the Tanzanian government has upheld the bilingual education system and English is continually used as a language of instruction for all post-primary school education. In fact early research agrees with the promotion of Kiswahili as the appropriate choice as a language of instruction.However, going by the advances of education worldwide where especially tertiary education is becoming more globalised, wouldn’t it be regressive to adopt a language of instruction that is limited to just one country? Unless we of course consider that the returns from quality secondary education would be sufficient for Tanzania without regarding the effect on tertiary education. Or maybe higher education would also have to adopt Kiswahili as a language of instruction.This is before we consider the feasibility of such a transformation most importantly in terms of pre sence and quality of secondary school and higher education tools such as curricula, textbooks, teaching guides and manuals and obviously teachers trained to instruct post – primary levels. Or maybe the country should take the bitter pill and adopt English as a language of instruction on all levels. In this paper, I will try to delve into previous research on this matter and find a relation etween the language of instruction and effect on developmental outcomes of Tanzania both in terms of human capital growth and general wellbeing of citizens. Does the language of instruction really matter? From the human capital rationale, language does matter. â€Å"Human capital† refers to the set of skills a person acquires mainly through education and training to aid his/her productivity and attain greater compensation in the labour market (Becker 1964).Proficiency in a language of instruction (reading, writing, oral expression) is a skill vital to the development of human capital . As explained by Chiswick and Miller (1995), the language skill â€Å"satisfies the three criteria that define human capital,† that is, the costs involved in the creation of language skills, the skills that serve a productive purpose relevant to economic activity in the labour market; and the fact that all that is embodied in a person. As demonstrated by Samuel O.Ortiz (2004) in his assessment of culturally and linguistically diverse students, language of instruction also determines the competence of students in relation to the improvement of their cognitive skills, a means and end to the means of quality education. By discussing cognitive skills and quality education, we get closer to the effect of language of instruction on the development of individuals and societies, both socio-economic and general well-being. According to Hanushek and Kim (1995) and Hanushek and Woessmann (2007), quality of education is a measure of labour force quality based on the cognitive skills att ained.Therefore, such big failure rates, and reports that most students failed to write anything in last year’s exam, and either resorted to cheating, writing funny verses and abuses spells a bad image for the Tanzanian education system and leaves us to wonder what kind skills are the students getting anyway. Undeniably, research over the years has shown that standards of English education are inadequate thus affecting the general performance of most post-primary students (Mlama and Matteru 1977, Criper and Dodd 1984, Roy-Campbell 1997, Martha Quorro (2013).In fact it was found that students perform much better under the medium of Swahili and that nearly 75 percent of teaching, especially in the early stages of secondary education, was being done in Swahili rather than English or sometimes with massive code switching involved (Rugemalira et al 1990). ii Students therefore receive a large part of their education in the local language yet assignments, tests and even national ex ams are written in English. This, as a result handicaps students with low proficiency and leads such to high failure rates.This goes on to not only affect the education system but the students as well. For example, after such failure, most students drop out of schools even without qualifications, girls are married off at an early age by parents who are not seeing direct returns from the education, boys resort to lower income jobs for survival and this ultimately also affects the motivation of other students to join secondary school. As a result, Tanzania has the lowest secondary school enrolment in the region (World Bank, 2009).The government has however ignored research findings and the sociolinguistic reality by maintaining a weak bilingual instruction format. It makes no sense teaching in a language that children are not understanding. In fact the Ministry of Education and Vocational Training has in the past proposed starting English as Language of Instruction from nursery school all through to tertiary education (MoEVT, 2009). Tangled in this predicament, there is also an inequality dimension.Studies have shown that many wealthy Tanzanian parents send their children to better performing private schools, as well as to schools in the neighbouring countries, in order to have their children exposed to English-medium education in primary school (Mazrui 1997, Cox and Jimenez 1991). In a country where there are better opportunities for the English proficient workforce, the foreign trained students consequently have more valuable capital and better potential to get better paying jobs and thus opportunities are still in the hands of the already privileged. The uncertain futureFrom the aforementioned studies, it is clear that adoption of Swahili as the language of instruction in secondary schools, will lead to better outcomes in terms of effective transfer of information, legibility, improved education and a more productive population. On the other hand, emphasis on English, just like in other neighbouring countries will likewise improve the skills needed to compete globally especially in tourism and other export-oriented investments, broaden other labour- market opportunities, and close the socioeconomic classes’ gap that exists between the English currently proficient labour force and the general public.In my opinion and as discussed by Batibo (1990) a bilingual system can still be maintained but the government will need to invest more in promoting the learning of English at pre- primary level to better prepare the students to the reality of an English post primary education. However as this paper has shown, even with a plethora of research on this matter, the Tanzanian government is faced with the dilemma of choosing a curriculum policy that should emphasize a well understood and better performing language or one that is used widely around the world especially in economic, scientific and technological circles.NOTES i The breakdowns b y divisions are as follows: division 1-1,641; division 2-6,453; division 3- 15,426; division 4103,327, and division 0-240,903. By gender for those who passed i. e. received divisions 1-3: girls =7, 178 and boys = 16, 342. That means 5. 6% of those who sat for this exam passed (divisions 1-3), it only when division 4 (the worst possible grade) is included that failure rate reduces to 60% otherwise with division 4 included, failure rate is actually 94. 4%. ii Code switching is the practice of alternating between two languages to ease communication.References Barro R (1999). Human Capital and Growth in Cross Country Regressions, Swedish Economic Policy Review, 6, 237-77. Barry R. Chiswick and Paul W. Miller (1995). The Endogeneity between Language and Earnings, Journal of Labor Economics, 13, 248. Batibo, H. M. (1990). English language teaching and learning in Tanzanian primary schools. Language in Education in Africa: A Tanzanian Perspective. Ed. C. M. Becker, Gary. (1964). Human Capi tal: A Theoretical and Empirical Analysis with Special Reference to Education. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.Cox, Donald and Emmanuel Jimenez. (1991). The Relative Effectiveness of Private and Public Schools: Evidence from Two Developing Countries. Journal of Development Economics 34:99-121. Criper, C. and William Dodd (1984). Report on the Teaching of English and its Use as a Medium of Instruction in Tanzania, ODA/ British Council. Education in Africa: A Tanzanian Perspective. Ed. C. M. Rubagumya. Philadelphia: Multilingual Matters, 1990. Hanushek E and Kim D (1995), Schooling Labour Force Quality and Economic Growth, National Bureau of Economic Research Working Paper No. 399, Cambridge, MA. Hanushek E and Woessmann L (2008). The Role of Cognitive Skills in Economic Development, Journal of Economic Literature, 46, 607-668. Martha A. S. Qorro, (2013). Language of instruction in Tanzania: Why are research findings not heeded? International Review of Education Mazrui, Alamin. T he World Bank, the language question and the future of African education. Race and Class 38. 3 (1997): 35-48. Mlama, Penina na May Matteru (1977). Haja ya kutumia Kiswahili kufundishia elimu ya juu, a research report commissioned by BAKITA, Dar es Salaam, Tanzania.MoEVT (2009). Sera ya Elimu na Mafunzo (2009), Rasimu ya I. Toleo Jipya, Juni, 2009. Ortiz O. Samuel, Comprehensive Assessment of Culturally and Linguistically Diverse Student: A Systematic, Practical Approach for Non-discriminatory Assessment Washington, DC: National Association of School Psychologists. Qorro (eds. ): Language of Instruction in Tanzania and South Africa. (LOITASA) Dar es Salaam: E & D Limited. pp. 149 – 170. Roy-Campbell, Zaline Makini and Martha. Qorro, (1997). The Language Crisis in Tanzania: the Myth of English versus Education, DSM: Mkuki na Nyota Publishers.Rubagumya, Casmir (2003). English medium primary schools in Tanzania: a new â€Å"linguistic market† in education? In: Brock-Utne, Birgit, Zubeida Desai and Martha Rubagumya. Philadelphia: Multilingual Matters. Rugemalira, J. M, C. M. Rubagumya, M. K. Kapinga, A. F. Lwaitama and J. G. Tetlow. Reflections on recent developments in language policy in Tanzania. Language in World Bank, (2009) World Bank Indicators – Tanzania accessed on 15. 03. 2013 from http://www. tradingeconomics. com/tanzania/school-enrollment-secondary-femalepercent-gross-wb-data. html

Do criminal organisations use business strategy Do business Research Paper

Do criminal organisations use business strategy Do business organisations use criminal strategy - Research Paper Example In today’s world, there are millions of criminal giants making billions of Dollars by harming human beings in one way or another. If we take an example of Naples GDP is 65% and the increasing unemployment rate is 22,6% which leads to Government's failure and economic failure, due to this situation poverty rate is increased which gives birth to the high rate of crime(Mammone 2014). The highest rate of drug dealing and a majority of the people involved are young people who are educated and are jobless. La Familia Michoacan recruits young people from rehabilitation centers and convinces them to give up on their addiction either its drug or alcohol and giving them training, meditations, motivational speaker sessions and readings( Daily Herald 2014).After training part is done some were given the choice to do the driving and other work related to their aptitude and those interested in violent activities were given training of shooting, butchering and all.From the very beginning til l date all the criminal organizations have one common strategy and that is to target the weak either financially or emotionally but to target those who are easily brainwashed and can be of great use and are poor, young brains which have so much to do but are restricted by any force which isn’t letting them put their brain into something effective and creative. Top criminal gangs which are involved in most offenses have very good strategies made by educated, creative minds (Vulliamy 2010).

The Case of the Variable Laminates Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

The Case of the Variable Laminates - Essay Example This would indicate that soaking time is incremented by 6 minutes, soaking temperature by 10oC and knife pressure by 10 psi. The resulting Taguchi experimental design orthogonal array would assume the form shown in the Appendix. The total number of experiments required would be 36. The thickness measurements are previously being made at every 15 minutes but a greater frequency for soaking time has been defined in order to ensure that process control experimentation resolution is enhanced. The contention in running these experimental runs is to measure the resulting laminate thickness. Once laminate thickness has been tabulated against each experimental run, statistical methods can be used to determine the optimal running conditions. Multiple combinations of operating parameters may produce the desired thickness so other factors such as power consumption may be used to decipher the final operating

In what ways have changes in the international economy since the 1960s Essay

In what ways have changes in the international economy since the 1960s effected the development of London as a world city - Essay Example One of the major backdrops to London’s economy is urbanization. In the 1960s, planning proliferated sociologists and architects were determined to change the world, town halls and campuses supported by modernization, morphology, networks and central places. It was therefore confidently believed that London provided a good key to creating a future city and an environment that was wholly planned (Sassen, 106). Since 1960s, changes in the international economy have greatly affected the development of London as a world city. The success of London in business and service industry is founded on its native language, English. The city also had a good track of openness and space for the other dominant international business languages used in Europe and major business destinations across the globe. Coincidentally, it was the choice of the British Empire for the headquarters as it is situated strategically in relation to other countries of the European Community central time zone thus acting as a bridge between Asian and US markets. Perhaps the international image and symbol held by the city regarding the country’s diplomatic ideology contributed to its popularity among the international community as well. The strong relationship between US and United Kingdom, and the UK’s good historical relationship with Middle East, African and Asian countries have boosted its success. It is therefore in line to refer to London as victor regarding business positioning in both local and international domains. As such, its status in this context must be considered as an occupant of rare niche held only by a few elite cities whose fortunes can be observed from different angles illustrating how class and might can surpass limitation. Despite the earlier fame and grandeur that London boasted of within a promising prospect of brilliance into the future,

Digestion Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words - 1

Digestion - Essay Example The mucus is important for protecting the mucosa from the acidic contents of the stomach. The epithelium is also lined with endocrine cells that stimulate the production of acid and digestive enzymes (Johnson, 2005, 23). The lamina propria lining the stomach is composed of loose connective tissue. Lymph vessels, nerves and large blood vessels are located in the mucosa that is composed of loose connective tissues. In the stomach, the muscularies externa is composed of three layers of muscles that are the oblique inner, circular middle and longitudinal outer layers that run in opposite directions to allow great motility in the stomach for mixing and churning ingested food. The small intestine mucosa has various structural features that are essential for increasing the luminal surface area supporting the main function of the small intestine of absorption of the degraded food components. Along the mucosa and submucosa are plicae circulares that are crescent shaped folds extend on around 1/3 of the small intestine lumen The lumen is lined with simple columnar epithelium. The ileum and jejunum are covered with serosa while the duodenum has serosa on the anterior surface (Feneis & Dauber, 2000, 42). The entire mucosa of the intestinal lining forms villi that are important for increasing the surface area that food absorption takes place in. The surface of the villi is composed of simple epithelium for easy absorption. The lamina propria is similar to that of the stomach usually cell rich. The submucosa layer contains glands on the duodenum â€Å"Brunner’s glands† that produces mucus protecting the duodenal mucosa from the acidic content from the stomach (Di Mauro et al. 2013, 15). The muscularies externa has two layers the inner thicker circular layer for mixing and the outer thinner longitudinal layer for the continuous peristalsis activity of the small intestines. It is the

International Human Rights Treaties Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

International Human Rights Treaties - Essay Example Hathaway (588) states that there are two main UN-chartered based enforcements. The two are declarations and conventions. The extent to which declarations are effective enough to attract compliance is limited. This is because; declarations depend on the willingness of the host country to enforce certain laws. In addition, declarations are not legally binding. However, declarations have major political implications in terms of enforcement and the willingness to comply by the members bound by the said declarations. Under the international law on the other hand, conventions are legally binding. According to Neumayer (925), it is common knowledge that international human rights are generally under-enforced. The reason given for this under-enforcement is due to the nature of enforcement of such treaties, which is mainly done through transitional legal processes. The international legal processes in this context refer to the collaboration between various legal institutions across the world. Kinney (1457) also shows the distinct difference between obedience and enforcement. Obedience does not involve any consequences other than the fact that disobedience of the law may have indirect political, economic, and social implications. However, enforcement is subject to punitive measures in terms of violations. This implies that laws that are enforced attract legal measures and implications at the behest of the international community. The situation is often complicated when some nations are not part of any international community.

Catwalk Versus Visual Fashion Shows Dissertation

Catwalk Versus Visual Fashion Shows - Dissertation Example The paper "Catwalk Versus Visual Fashion Shows" discovers Young Designers Preference and fashion shows. The research is done by considering choices of young fashion designers from UK and Korea. In the introductory portion, the content, aims and objectives of this study and limitations faced while conducting the research work are clearly stated. Literature review comes next where all aspects related to visual fashion shows are dealt in details including current trends, influencing factors, recent shows, etc. Next is methodology, where the procedure, which was followed while doing this research work, is outlined. Research approaches, philosophies, data collection process, sampling etc, with every details are depicted in this section. Several people were interviewed. Continue with ‘findings’, summarizes the answers given by the respondents. Carry on with ‘discussion’, the answers of the respondents were interpreted, analyzed and compared. The views that came up through their answers were related with trends, practices and concepts referred to in ‘findings’. In the final section, a brief conclusion is provided to the whole study from point of view of the researcher. Along with a justification is also provided for young designer’s preference for visual fashion shows over live catwalk shows. Visual fashion shows are gradually taking over live fashion shows in recent times. Unlike the traditional fashion shows where the model catwalks down the ramp, visual fashion shows present digitalized images.... Unlike the traditional fashion shows where the model catwalks down the ramp, visual fashion shows present digitalized images of the same but, projected on a screen. Thus, on one hand the people fail to perceive the liveliness, but on the other hand designers could easily showcase their creations. For this reason, one could find an increasing popularity of visual fashion shows among designers, especially among the young the young fashion designers. Content In the present times, the fashion world is experiencing a new type of fashion show- the visual fashion show, which involves digitalized images of models decked up in fashion items. Contrary to conventional catwalk shows, visual fashion shows saves time, energy, organization, and are flexible in nature. At the same time, the visual fashion shows are also cost effective and interactive. This is the reason why many young designers in present are choosing visual fashion shows over the traditional ones (Menkes, 2010). Aims This study aim s at finding out whether the young fashion designers from UK and Korea prefer live catwalks on ramps or visual fashion shows. Objectives 1. To find out the choice and preferences of young designers from UK and Korea. 2. To explore what factors have affected their choice. 3. To examine relevance and effectiveness of visual fashion shows in contemporary fashion industry. 4. To analyze success of visual fashion shows in terms of marketing, promotion and popularity. Methodology For this paper, both primary and secondary sources will be used data collected by interviewing some people as well as those collected from books, journals, and reviews and articles from fashion magazines will be interpreted and analyzed. Findings It was found out that the new concept of

History of Legazpi Essay Example for Free

History of Legazpi Essay DURING THE PRE-SPANISH PERIOD Early in the 13th century, Datu Balensusa and Dumagsil, two of the ten Bornean Datus led by Datu Puti, went from Panay to Laguna and the Bicol Region. Prehistoric dwellers mostly fishermen and farmers established a barangay on the mouth of Makabulo River called Sawangan (now Legazpi Port) , a small settlement by a mangrove swamp,Its inhabitants were headed by old chieftain, Gat Ibal,a descendant of Datu Dumagsil. The home grown name,Sawangan was another way to say Sabang indicating a† natural wharf created by the water from the sea†. Dwelling in tiny groups of huts which are made from rattan and nipa, small houses occupied this part of swampy and low land and its surrounding areas were known as Ibalon. DURING THE SPANISH PERIOD In 1573,under the Spanish expeditionary forces,Capitan Juan de Salcedo (Capitan Esteban de Manchaca) and 120 soldiers reached and explored barangay Sawangan. The natives gallantly fought the invaders but were no match for the conquistadores’ superior arms. Subsequently, the natives were converted to Catholism. In 1587,Franciscan friars of the Doctrina of Cagsawa began to convert the settlement to Christianity. Fr. Francisco de Sta. Ana,it’s first parish priest built the first chapel made of nipa and bamboo to house and established the first Franciscan mission in Sawangan, the â€Å"Mission de San Gregorio de Sawangan. In 1605, Sawaà ±gan was elevated to Visita Regular, having been previously under the spiritual ministry of Cagsaua since 1578. In 1616,Sawangan become an independent town separated from Cagsawa called Albaybay (meaning â€Å"by the bay†) finally shortened as Albay. It was declared the capital of the province of Partido de Ibalon (old name of the Province of Albay). The town was renamed Albay, then Legazpi, as Albay went on to refer to the province at present. Perennially rocked by minor eruptions of the Mayon Volcano for two centuries, compounded by sporadic attacks by Muslim pirates and the Dutch, the capital was partially destroyed by a major eruption on February 1, 1814. The catastrophe buried Cagsaua.The progress of the town was razed to the ground upon the eruption, Fr. Pedro Licup evacuated the community to Makalaya (today’s Barangay Taysan). Some of the people, however, remained in the old town and began anew as a barrio. In lieu of their former patron saint, St. Gregory the Great, which had also been transferred to Albay, they adopted St. Raphael, the Archangel and transformed the ermita into a church. They finally regained their old status but never changed the name of the place as Albay Viejo or Banwang Daan.Years later in 1856, Sawangan was restored and subsequently renamed Binanuahan (Banuang Gurang) which literally means â€Å"Old Town† or â€Å"ancient place or town wherein a town was founded† and/or â€Å"the former seat of a town†. It was made a Visita Tributaria of Taytay. The combined towns were later named Albay Nuevo (Bagumbayan – meaning â€Å"New Town†) with the residents of Binanuahan’s objections to the union. On July 17, 1856, Ramon Montero of the Govierno Superiora de las Islas Filipinas signed a decree which created the Visita of Pueblo Viejo, out of Binanuahan uniting the barrios (settlement communities) of Lamba, Bigaa and Rawis. On September 22, 1856, through a subsequent Royal Decree, the name Legazpi was officially adopted to including the visitas of Lamba, Rawis and Bigaa, and declaring it an independent town. It was formally inaugurated on October 23, 1856. Historically, the city was named Legazpi, to perpetuate to the memory of Adelantado Don Miguel Lopez de Legazpi. This was the agreement made between the original inhabitants of the place and the Spaniards during the former’s quest for autonomy. It took them 21 years, in which they sought the help and support of the Spaniards, then living in the town. As a sign of gratitude, the people readily accepted the name, which was also then proposed by the Spaniards upon fulfillment of their efforts. Now autonomous, and with a fast paced progress and prosperity,the port of Legazpi served as anchorage of ships sailing for Nuevo Espaà ±a (through Mexico) in the later part of the 16th century until it was elevated a Royal Decree by issued earlier on May 18, 1872 in Madrid and was later promulgated by Governor Juan Alamenos y de Vivar on December 3, 1874 as a port of entry open to world trade . Legazpi first became a city under the Becerra Law of 1892 promulgated by the Spanish Minister of Ultramar in 1894, which constituted the municipalities of Legazpi, Albay Nuevo and Daraga, into the Ayutamiento de Albay with the resentment of the Daragueà ±os. At the height of the Filipino-Spanish Revolution, the Civil Governor of Albay, Angel Bascaran y Federic and the Spanish residents fled Albay. Subsequently, a revolutionary Junta was organized by Don Anacleto Solano, who later turned over command to General Vicente Lucban, General-in-Chief of Operations of the Philippine Revolutionary Governments in the Southern Region. DURING THE AMERICAN PERIOD By January 23, 1900 the American forces outgunned Legazpi defenders, defeating the Sandatahanes led by Vito Belarmino and Jose Ignacio Paua at the Battle of San Rafael Bridge known as the â€Å"Battle of Legazpi†. With the American occupation in 1900, the city was dissolved upon reestablished Legazpi, Albay and Daraga as independent towns under a military government. In 1908, the Philippine Assembly, again, merged the three towns creating the Municipio de Albay which became the capital of the province. Giving way to bitter opposition from Daragueà ±os, realizing the merger was doing more harm than good to their interests, the Philippine Assembly finally separated Daraga from the capital town in 1922. DURING THE JAPANESE PERIOD Simultaneous with the bombing of Pearl Harbor in Hawaii, the Japanese Imperial Army’s Kimura Detachment entered Legazpi on December 12, 1941. Yet again, countless accounts of the locals’ ultimate sacrifices, gallantry and heroism against the odds in the ensuing Guerilla warfare abound during that period. Under Japanese military administration for almost 4 years, the capital was finally liberated by American forces on April 1, 1945. DURING THE REPUBLIC Legazpi became a city for the second time on July 18, 1948 when Daraga and Legazpi were combined again to constitute its territory, under Republic Act No. 306. Re-Incorporating Daraga, Republic Act No. 306 elevated the town to today’s Legazpi City. However, bitter opposition from the Daragueà ±os ultimately prevailed with the passing of Republic Act No. 993 which repealed R.A. 306 creating the separate Municipalities of Legazpi and Daraga.With the re-creation of the two municipalities, the city was dissolved in June 8, 1954. Finally on June 12, 1959,Republic Act 2232 authored by Senator.Pedro Subido and Congressman.Jusfino Nuyda was signed by Pres.Carlos P.Garcia. This was later amended by Republic Act 5525. By virtue of this act, Legazpi became a city for the third time. .Legazpi was declared Albay Province’s seat of government as its capital city under Republic Act 2254. On February 27, 1973, With the onset of the Integrated Reorganization Plan of Pres. Ferdinand Marcos, the City of Legazpi was declared under Presidential Decree No. 125, to comprise its present territorial jurisdiction and the adjacent Municipality of Daraga. however, the decree was permanently mothballed. This plan also made the city as the regional administrative center of the Bicol Region (Presidential Decree No. 1). At present,the Gateway City of Bicol,Legazpi,is a bustling and very progressive city that is home of more than 180,000 citizens.

The Tribes In The Indian Censuses History Essay

The Tribes In The Indian Censuses History Essay The idea of tribes is particularly complex in the Indian subcontinent, where indigenous/primitive in ­habitants were neither eliminated, nor quite absorbed, by the rising civilization in the course of history. It is plain enough that the demography of tribal people cannot loom large in Indias overall demographic scene (the formers relative size being only a little more than 8%). But, as we will see, demographic features in tribal societies have often been distinct and/or rather distinguished both in historical and comparative perspectives. In particular, the chief object of the present paper is to evaluate the overall demographic features and their common sociocultural underpinnings in the aggregate tribal population, in comparison, particularly, with their closest counterparts, namely, the lower caste (officially known as scheduled caste (SC)) people and others. Apart from illuminating useful insights into the nature and strength of the well-known connection between sociocultural milieus and demographic behaviour, this paper throws fresh light on the Indian notion of the tribe and its comparative position vis-à  -vis the mainstream since the late 19th century, especially in the contempor ary context of develop ­ment and globalization. Key Terms: Tribes, Demographic Patterns, Socio-Economic, Sociocultural Characteristics Introduction The notion/identity of tribes is particularly complex in the Indian subcontinent, where indigenous/primitive in ­habitants were neither eliminated, nor quite absorbed, by the rising civilization in the course of history. For example, although Indias tribes have been studied intensively (and exten ­sively) for many decades, both before and after independence, they appear as obscure as ever (Xaxa 1999). While they have often been glorified (particularly by older-generation anthropologists), their popular image has remained rather vague, indif ­ferent, and indeed, full of misconceptions and folklore. Despite substantial accumulation of literature (official and non-official alike) on the (relative) vulnerability of tribes, despite countless laws enacted for protecting their rights, and despite about half the countrys mineral and forest resources belonging to tribal areas, they remain the most underdeveloped community (Jones 1978). All this clearly reflects a resolute ambivalence on the part of the Indian state towards tribes (who fetch a numerically insignificant fraction of electoral support). It is plain enough that the demography of tribal people cannot loom large in Indias overall demographic scene (the formers relative size being only a little more than 8%). But, as we will see, demographic features in tribal societies have often been distinct and/or rather distinguished both in historical and comparative perspectives. In particular, the chief object of the present paper is to evaluate the overall demographic features and their common sociocultural underpinnings in the aggregate tribal population, in comparison, particularly, with their closest counterparts, namely, the lower caste (officially known as scheduled caste (SC)) people and others. Apart from illuminating useful insights into the nature and strength of the well known connection between sociocultural milieus and demographic behaviour, this paper throws fresh light on the Indian notion of the tribe and its comparative position vis-à  -vis the mainstream since the late 19th century, especially in the contempor ary context of develop ­ment and globalization. For example, Indias large-scale develop ­ment initiatives in the post-independence period are often being seen by scholars to have induced a shifting orientation in tribal studies, namely, from a focus on tribes as communities to a view of them as subjects of modernization and development or as their victims (Xaxa, 2003). Our present aggregative approach, of course, departs from anthropologists (and probably of many others) overriding per ­ception that a study/analysis of aggregate tribal people can hardly make sense. However, the latter view is not always unquestionable. First, this (anthropological) perspective though it has for long dominated Indias tribal discourse, has arguably failed to provide cohesive and consistent statements on the pre ­dicaments of tribal people as a whole and on their effective rem ­edies. As the report of an Advisory Committee on the Revision of the lists of SCs and scheduled tribes (STs) had observed in 1965, it would be in the best interest of these communities if they are taken out from the list of scheduled castes and tribes and are treated exclu ­sively as a distinctive group, with development schemes specially de ­signed to suit their dominant characteristics Second, since diversities sociocultural, environmental, and geophysical are as much (or at least no less) germane to the tribal and non-tribal populations alike, it is pertinent to wonder as to why only tribal diversity, rather than commonality, should deserve academic priority and attention. If aggregate (or aver ­age) tribal patterns say, demographic and sociocultural are distinct from those of their non-tribal counterparts, the former could well be treated as one entity vis-à  -vis the latter. Thus, while not denying the value of anthropological methods and micro-level studies, we adopt here an aggregative approach which we believe to be useful to policy formulation for Indias overall tribal people. Tribes in the Indian Censuses India is one of very few non-western countries for which detailed decennial census information is available since as back as the 1870s. The census reports and statistical tables have since been presenting demographic information separately for the tribal population and often for many individual tribes. However, the census information, like most other large-scale data, is not per ­fect, calling for appropriate caution in drawing conclusions. In examining the long-term trends, the question of comparability of data from one census to other could be of key importance, while in a comparative demographic analysis of two sub-populations for a single census year the question of relative accuracy and coverage would be of greater significance. In the censuses of British India (except in 1941), religion was one prominent criterion for classification of the countrys popula ­tion, with tribes being categorized as those practicing hundreds of different primitive religions. In fact, they used to be classified as animists until the 1931 Census, in which they were enumer ­ated under the heading tribal religion. Thus, up to 1941, the use of religious category in the census enumeration enabled the au ­thorities to bypass many complex issues anthropological, socio ­logical and historical involved in the notion and/or identity of diverse tribes across the country. It was only in 1941 that the tribals were defined, for the first time in the history of the Indian census, not in terms of their religion or faith, but their origin. In fact, this major shift in the criterion of enumeration brought in a serious difficulty of compa ­rability between 1941 and the preceding census enumerations (Davis, 1951). Around the time of Indias independence, a serious rethinking on the notion of the tribe or tribal identity was initiated by political leaders who wanted tribal and other backward sections to bring gradually through affection, friendli ­ness and some special protections and provisions to the main ­stream levels. The Constitution of India empowered the president to declare any tribal community or part thereof as a scheduled tribe eligible for those special provisions and benefits. With the adoption of the Constitution in 1950, the president promulgated in the same year a list of STs and scheduled areas, which was based, in a large measure, on the list of backward tribes promul ­gated in 1936 by the British colonial administration. At the first census of independent India in 1951, the number of scheduled tribal communities or part thereof was 212, with specific areas being earmarked for each. The Constitution provisions, thus, sealed the boundaries between tribe and non-tribe and gave to the tribal identity a kind of definiteness it lacked in the past (Bà ©teille, 1986). Thus, since the 1950s, there emerged not only a definite tribal identity with legal sanction, but also a dis ­tinct political interest forging that identity. Without laying down specific criteria for scheduling a tribe, the Constitution has empowered the president of the country to appoint a backward classes commission, with three major tasks: to evaluate conditions of socially backward classes; recommend policy for amelioration of their hardships and deprivations; and re-examine the existing list of STs for suggesting its revision, if necessary. The first such backward classes commission was appointed in 1953, which came up with a recommendation for declaring some additional communities as scheduled. Accord ­ingly, a modified (and enlarged) list of STs was notified by the president in 1956, and the list was published under SCs and STs (Modification) Order, 1956. Consequently, by the 1961 Census, the number of STs rose to 427 (which was an increase by more than twice the number at the 1951 Census), and to 432 by the Census of 1971. Owing to various problems and complaints, the Removal of Area Restrictions (Amendment) Act of 1976 was passed to remove the area restriction on tribal identity, and, henceforth, the list of STs was made applicable to all areas in a state. Conse ­quently, STs began to mean, for all practical purposes, tribal population of the country. Difficulties, of course, remained due, inter alia, to the varying definition of a tribe, by changes to the list of officially recognised tribes, by qualitative deficiencies in demographic data, administrative changes to Indias regions and by the reclassification of tribes as castes (Wiercinski, 1996). But these possible defects of census data have not usually been so serious as to obliterate the discernible distinctions in demographic features and parameters between the tribal and mainstream populations. The preparation of schedules for tribal and lower caste people had occurred simultaneously. Although there might have been some anomalies in the official recording of these two social identities, this does not preclude the possibility of fruitful and imaginative use of census information (at least) for some specific purposes. In fact, census data do often depict contrasting demographic patterns/outcomes between these two social groups. Unsurpris ­ingly, these two groups do not seem historically to have been much different in terms of economic levels and footings, but they have been pretty distinct socioculturally. Therefore, it should be illuminating if tribal demographic patterns and trends are examined in comparison with those of the SC population. Understanding tribes in the light of their demographic trends, patterns, and outcomes should provide useful insights into the evolution of the notion of tribes and their relative social position. Demographic Patterns and Trends of Indian Tribes Table 1: Long-Term Trends in Population and Its Growth, and Sex-Ratio, Total and Tribal Populations, India (1881-2001) Year Total Population Tribal Population Decadal Growth Rate (%) Sex-Ratio (Female Per 1,000 Males) No. % Total Tribal Total Tribal 1881 25,01,55,050 64,26,511 2.57 954 1891 27,95,75,324 91,12,018 3.26 11.76 41.79 958 992 1901 28,38,67,584 81,84,758 2.88 1.54 -10.18 972 1,021 1911 30,30,04,354 95,93,695 3.17 6.74 17.21 964 1,016 1921 30,57,26,528 90,72,024 3.00 0.89 -7.2 955 996 1931 33,76,75,361 76,29,959 2.45 10.45 -15.9 950 1,009 1941 38,89,97,955(a) 87,91,354(b) 2.26 15.20 6.17 945 985 Independent India 1951* 36,10,88,090 1,91,11,498 5.29 946 1,021 1961 43,92,34,771 3,01,30,184 23.10 33.84* 941 987 1971 54,81,59,652 3,80,15,162 6.93 24.80 26.17 930 982 1981(c) 66,52,87,849 5,16,28,638 7.76 24.69 [emailprotected] 934 983 1991(d) 83,85,83,988 6,77,58,380 8.08 23.79 25.68 927 972 2001 1,02,86,10,328 8,43,26,240 8.20 22.70 24.50 933 977 (a) Includes 23,31,332 persons in North-West Frontier Province not enumerated by religion, but believed to be Muslim. (b) In view of a change in classification in the 1941 Census, this is an estimate made for the purpose of achieving comparability with the figures of tribal population identified as Animists till 1931 or as people practising tribal religion in 1931 Census of tribal population in 1941, derived after adjustments to the enumerated population of tribal origin. See Davis (1951), Appendix J for adjustments and assumptions involved in obtaining this estimate. (c) Excludes Assam. The decadal growth rate during 1971-81 has been calculated by excluding the population of Assam. (d) Excludes Jammu and Kashmir. The decadal growth rate during 1981-91 has been calculated excluding population of both Assam and Jammu and Kashmir. * See note 1below; + for India and Pakistan together (Visaria 1968, Table 2.9); @ This has been calculated on the basis of revised estimate of tribal population for 1971 (which is 3,94,89,232 excluding Assam) after taking account of the abolition of hitherto imposed area restriction for most tribes by an act of Parliament in 1976, which resulted in larger population of several tribes in many states according to 1971 Census than were actually enumerated (see Sinha 1986, Tables 4.1, 4.2, and Appendix). In fact, the office of the registrar general worked the revised population of tribals for states where the revision was necessary (see commissioner for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes 1977; and also Sinha 1993). (1) In 1951 Census the tribal population was for the first time enumerated according to a statutory list of scheduled tribes notified by the president under Article 342 of the Constitution, which was enlarged through modification as per order in 1956. According to the 1956 Modification order the tribal population for the 1951 Census was revised upward as being 2, 25, 11, 584, with the revised percentage rising to 6.23. Since tribal population in 1961 was enumerated according to the 1956 Modification list of scheduled tribes, the decadal growth rate of tribal population during 1951-61 has been calculated on the basis of this revised tribal population for 1951. Source: For the British India figures, Davis (1951), Table 77, p 179; and Mamoria (1958), p 26; Natarajan (1971), p 9. For post-independence period, see Census Reports, Nag (1984), 15-16; Bose (1996), Government of India (2004). We now examine the broad features of long-term growth of the tribal population since the late 19th century, in comparison with the total population (Table 1). Except for three decades, namely, 1891-1901, 1911-21 and 1921-31, the aggregate tribal population did register increases. For example, during 1881-91, the enumer ­ated total population increased by about 12%, while the increase recorded for the tribal population was three and half times larger. This could be due to improvements in enumeration cover ­age of tribal peoples in remote and isolated terrains. However, over the following decade of 1891-1901, the tribal population had experienced a substantial decline in its absolute number vis-à  -vis an increase in the total population. This (arguably) re ­flects a greater mortality toll among the former in the two large-scale famines of 1896-97 and 1899-1900. But in the following decade, 1901-11, the enumerated tribal population had increased much faster than the general popu lation. This could be due to a lessened severity of famines in terms of frequency, scale and coverage, and also (presumably) due to quicker recovery in the post-famine years (e g, through higher than normal levels of fertility) of the tribal population, which had suffered a greater (proportionate) population loss in the preceding major famines (Maharatna, 1996). Growth of total population was negligible during 1911-21 within which occurred the great influenza pandemic of 1918, causing a heavy toll of human lives including even considerable depopulation among tribals. Again, during 1921-31, Indian tribes appear to have experienced a decline in aggregate population, while there had been an increase in the total population. This differential seems attributable to the heightened politics over religious divisions around the 1931 Census, with, for example, an active political pressure mounting on the authorities to return everyone of doubtful status as Hindu (Davis, 1951). Furthermore, the shift of criterion from religious affiliation to tribal origin as the basis of tribal enumeration in the Census 1941 was (at least partly) responsible for a record of their com ­paratively slower increase in 1931-41 (Table 1). Except for the dra ­matic effects of famines and epidemics, the enumerated tribal population up to 1921 was growing at rates no less (or may, indeed, be sometimes higher) than those for the total population. The somewhat sluggish recorded increases of the tribal popula ­tion over the three decades preceding independence could partly be an artifact of social and political turmoil on religious lines. Another noteworthy feature of pre-independence tribal popula ­tion growth is the somewhat constancy of its proportion to the to ­tal since the late 19th century, as against secular declines in the proportion of the Hindus. While the former ranged between 2.26% and 3.26% during 1881-1941, the latter dropped from 75.1% to 69.5% (Davis, 1951). This differential, according to Kingsley Davis, was due to the higher fertility of tribal population than that of the Hindus. But there could be other possibilities as well. For example, as we argue later, this constancy of the tribal proportion could have resulted from its relatively lower mortality, not from higher fertility vis-à  -vis those of the Hindu population. In the first census of independent India in 1951, the enumer ­ated number of tribal people turned out to be more than twice its size in the preceding census, despite the Partition of India in 1947. This might have been partly because the regions (e g, north-western parts and eastern Bengal) that were carved out from erstwhile India were historically of low tribal concentration. However, this can hardly be a full explanation, especially when total population of the country declined by about 7% in 1941-51. The clue lies in the fact that enumeration of tribal and lower caste people was made for the first time on the basis of respective statutory schedules prepared and approved by the government. Many persons not considered as tribals on the criterion of their religious affiliation and/or otherwise before independence, could find themselves so identified in the 1951 Census. Thus, with the decadal growth of enumerated tribal population being higher than that of the total population in the post-independence period, the formers proportion rose from 5% in 1951 to more than 8% in 2001 (Table 1). Note, however, that the gap in these two recorded growth rates has been the highest during the 1951-61 decade, and it narrowed down over the following decades (perhaps with the exception for the 1971-81 decade). This relative inflation of ST population in the post-independence period does partly reflect expansion of ST list. As Bà ©teille (1986) observes, paradoxically, the number of communities deemed to be tribes has increased with the modernization of India between 1950 and 1976. However fairly rapid enlargement of the list of STs, especially up to the late 1970s and early 1980s, as well as the removal of the area restriction in 1976, account for the extent of the recorded surges in tribal population that took place merely through reclassification, and, hence, of redistribution of the existing population. But there is the fairly strong evidence suggesting a higher real natural growth of the tribal than that of the total population. While the estimated growth of the matched populations of STs between 1961 and 1971 turned out to be only about 1% point lower (25.3%) than that (26.2%) based on unadjusted figures, the former happened to be 1% point higher than that of the total population, affirming a higher natural growth rate among tribes vis-à  -vis general population in the post-independence period (Sinha, 1986). The relatively high growth of tribal population in the newly independent country could be related to the new development and modernization initiatives, which via changes in lifestyles, customs, values, and some material improvements with little prevalence of modern contraception, could induce rises in fertility (so-called pre-transition rise of fertility, i e, rises of fertility just prior to the beginning of its secular decline). In fact, such pre-transition fertility rise has probably been relativity delayed, prolonged, and pronounced among the ST population vis-à  -vis SCs, as the former have arguably lagged the latter in the processes of modernization/Sanskritization. What emerges, on the whole (ignoring periods of dramatic losses of population during famines, epidemics and the like), is a picture of the tribal population having grown much like the general population at very moderate rates during pre-independence decades, but at much higher rates, thereafter partly because of inclusion of new tribal identities and partly because of late occurrence of their pre-transition rise of fertility. However, like total population, the indication of the onset of a declining trend in the growth of tribal population in more recent decades seems well discernible. A broad regional pattern of Indias tribal population namely, tribes being concentrated (in descending order) in central, eastern (including north-eastern) and western regions (these together constituting about 90% of total tribal population) has remained largely unchanged. However, there has been a distinct decline of tribal share of eastern states (particularly Bihar and Orissa) in the post-independence period. Notwithstanding possible enumeration biases (e g, over enumeration of tribals in southern and western regions most prominently up to 1981), the large part of the explanation for the changing pattern of regional composition of the tribal population lies in the interstate differences in real demographic processes, e g, birth, death rates and their trends, patterns of spatial mobility and movements of tribal people (Maharatna, 2005). Table 2: Growth of Population and Growth of Numerically Large Tribes, India (1941-91) Tribe Regions of Habitation Population Average Annual Growth Rate (%) 1941# 1961 1971 1981** 1941-61 1961-71 1971-81 No. (%) No. (%) No. (%) No. (%) Bhil Gujarat, MP and Rajasthan 23,30,270 (9.2) 38,36,308 (12.8) 51,82,625 (13.6) 73,92,983 (14.3) 3.23 3.51 4.26 Gond MP, Orissa, AP and Maharashtra 32,01,004 (12.6) 39,91,767 (13.4) 48,09,165 (12.7) 73,87,376(14.3) 1.24 2.05 5.36 Santal Bihar, Orissa, WB and Tripura 27,32,266 (10.7) 31,54,107 (10.5) 36,33,459 (9.6) 42,60,842(8.3) 0.77 1.52 1.73 Oraon Bihar, MP, Orissa and WB 11,22,926 (4.4) 14,47,429 (4.8) 17,06,091 (4.5) 18,65,779(3.6) 1.44 1.80 0.94 Mina Rajasthan 11,55,916 (3.9) 15,33,513 (4.0) 20,86,692(4.0) 3.27 3.61 Munda Bihar, Orissa, WB, MP 7,06,869 (2.8) 10,19,098 (3.4) 11,63,338(4.0) 14,22,830(2.8) 2.21 1.42 2.23 Khond AP, Orissa 7,44,904 (2.9) 8,45,981 (2.8) 9,11,835(2.4) 0.68 0.78 Boro @ Assam, WB, Tripura 5,94,979 (2.3) 3,51,583 -2.05 Varli 3,74,184 ** (Roy Burman 1993: 199); the percentage shares have been calculated by the present author on the total tribal population of India (exclusive of Assam). AP Andhra Pradesh; MP Madhya Pradesh; WB West Bengal. @ Borokacharis; # These are 1941 Census enumerations of specific tribes on the criterion of tribal origin (rather than tribal religion used in 1931 and before). Therefore, the respective shares of tribal groups have been calculated on total enumerated tribal population of 25, 441,548, which is much larger than adjusted figure of 87,91,354 as presented in Table 1. Source: Roy Burman (1993: 199); Government of India (1961), Report of the Scheduled Areas and Scheduled Tribes Commission, Vol 1, 1960-1961, p 7; Sinha (1986), Table 4.3, p 47. Despite the number of STs having already exceeded 500, it is only a few major tribal groups that constitute a large bulk of the aggregate tribal population of the country. For example, as Table 2 shows, about nine major tribal groups constitute nearly half of countrys total tribal population, and they are concentrated mostly in the central, western and eastern parts. The tribe-composition has remained broadly unaltered over the post-independence period, notwithstanding proliferation of new tribal subgroups. For example, relative shares of Bhil and Gond populations have risen, admittedly marginally, with a meager reduction in the share of Munda population (Table 2). There are quite a few tribal groups each constituting (e g, as per 1971 Census count) slightly more than 1% of total tribal population, namely, Ho (1.42%) in eastern India, Naga (1.23%) in north-eastern states (Sinha, 1986). Apart from them, there are numerous smaller tribal groups dispersed across the country. In fact, there are some small and so-called primitive tribes of which enumerated populations range from as low as 20. Many of such small tribes are, indeed, on their way towards extinction. However, the phenomenon of so-called vanishing tribes, if at all, is extremely localised, and indeed, specific to very small groups situated in very special circumstances. These most vulnerable tribal groups, who currently number around 75, constituting nearly 2% of total tribal population, include Onges, Shompens, the Greater Andamanese, Rajjis Didayis, Hill Korwas and Bondas. An acute food deprivation and extreme vulnerability to death and disease have generally been held responsible for diminution of some small tribal groups in specific locations (Bhagwan, 1997). The vanishing tribes phenomenon, of course, deserves an attention and an effective public action in its own right, but it is important to keep in mind that the former does not represent the aggregate tribal situation in India. In fact, the major tribal groups (except some small vanishing ones) are not experiencing a uniform positive rate of population growth. While Bhil and Gond dominant central and western tribes have had accelerating population growth since the early 1960s, Santals, Mina and Munda mostly eastern tribes have fared far less in terms of population increase (Table 2). For example, the populations of Katkari, an originally nomadic tribe of Konkan region of Maharashtra, have been almost stationary during 1961-71 in the face of nearly 2.3% average annual growth rate of aggregate tribal population in the state (Kulkarni 2002). While this could well be related to acute material deprivation, other possibilities (e g, effect of removal of area restriction) cannot be ruled out. For example, among the major tribes of central and western states (e g, Bhil, Gond, Mina), growth of population has been above the national average and even accelerated in the post-independence period, at least up to the 1980s. This rapid growth of tribal population, especially over several decades since independence, seems to have caused inter alia by a relatively late occurrence of modern improvements in mortality of tribal population, and (somewhat related) by pre-transition fertility rises consequent upon generally sluggish pace of modernization across tribal communities. In contrast, the major tribes of eastern India (e g, Santal, Orao, Munda, Khond) have registered much smaller population increase vis-à  -vis both general population in this region and tribes of western and central India. A relatively larger underenumeration of tribal people in this region, especially in the late 1970s, could be a factor, since official recognition of tribal identity on the basis of area restrictions continued here for some time even after latters formal repeal in 1976 (Burman, 1993). But this cannot constitute a complete explanation. A relative mortality disadvantage and comparatively low fertility among these tribes (vis-à  -vis those of central and western India) are also likely to have been contributors especially over the recent past. Furthermore, specific historical factors might have made major East Indian tribes relatively prone to long distance migration and movement (Burman, 1993). In sum: three major tribal groups, namely, Bhil, Santal, Gond constitute nearly 40% of the countrys total tribal population, and this numeric dominance of just a few major tribes amidst hundreds of tiny groups and subgroups has been continuing for a long time past, leaving aggregative analysis of Indias tribal population useful and credible. Perhaps the most glaring difference between tribal and general populations lies in the sex ratio, i e, female-male ratio (FMR hereafter) (Table 1). In distinct contrast to Indias overall FMR being unfavourable to females, it has been relatively balanced among tribes. In fact, females outnumber males in the entire western world and in many developing countries outside Asia and North Africa. Such excess female scenario derives both from females biological edge over males in natural survival chances as well as from their relative mortality advantage in wars, accidents and lifestyles. Thus, a huge deficiency of females, as indicated by low FMR in general population, reflects adverse social influences outweighing females intrinsic (biological) advantage in survival. There have been several attempts at estimating what Amartya Sen famously coined missing women in countries with lower than a benchmark FMR, which generally obtains in the abs

Potential Of Renewable Energy Sources In Pakistan Environmental Sciences Essay

Potential Of Renewable Energy Sources In Pakistan Environmental Sciences Essay Energy is an essential ingredient of socio economic development and growth. Pakistan, despite of enormous potential of indigenous energy resources, is dependent on external resources for meeting their energy demand. Moreover, Pakistan is among those developing countries with low energy consumption. Only 55% and 20% Pakistans population has access to electricity and natural gas respectively. About 68% Population is living in rural areas and most of them have no access to electricity. At present, the people are facing severe electricity load shedding problems due to shortage of power supply. The country is facing huge economic losses due to the energy crises from the previous two years. Oil (30%) and gas (48.5%) are the major part of the current energy supply. The current oil reservoirs of the country are very low, which fulfill 15% of the oil demand while remaining 85% oil is imported from outside world. The indigenous recoverable reservoirs of oil and gas will exhaust in 13 and 21 y ears respectively. Pakistan has wide spectrum of high potential renewable energy sources, conventional and as well non-conventional, which have not been adequately explored, exploited and developed. The development of the renewable energy sources can play an important role to achieve stable energy supply. This paper discussed potential of different renewable energy resources, which are technically viable in Pakistan. The country can be benefited by harnessing these options of energy generation as substitute energy in areas where sources exist and consequently contributing in poverty alleviation and cleaner environment in Pakistan Key Words: Pakistan, renewable energy, hydropower, wind energy, solar energy, biogas, geothermal, emergy INTRODUCTION Energy is an essential ingredient of socio-economic development and economic growth. Without sufficient energy in useable and at affordable prices, there is a little prospects of developments of improving the economy of a country and the living conditions of people. It is well known fact that technological and industrial advancement is heavily dependent on the readily available energy especially in the form of fossil fuel. The larger proportion of the today energy supplies is still made of fossil fuels. The world is running on 60 % non renewable (Odum and Odum, 2001). It is estimated that global energy demand will be increase by two thirds in 2001-2030 (IEA, 2002a). The reservoirs of fossil fuel are not unlimited and at the present rate of consumption they will not last very long. The world community today uses up in one minute what it took the earth a millennium to create. The oil reservoirs are decreasing and it is predicted that fossil fuels can only meet the worlds energy demand just for three decades more (IEA, 2002a). Moreover, it has been conclusively proved that climate change, which has been resulting in global warming, is mainly caused by greenhouse gas emissions from energy generating systems based on fossil fuels. Yet another aspect that has come into sharp focus is that the developing countries can ill afford to depend excessively upon petroleum imports marked by volatile price fluctuations Since the inception of Pakistan, the primary power supplies from the conventional energy sources were (and are still today) not enough to meet the countrys energy demand. Pakistan, despite the enormous potential of its indigenous energy, remains energy deficient and has to rely heavily on the imports of the petroleum products to satisfy its present day need. Efforts have been made to exploit the existing conventional energy resources to build a strong indigenous exploration and production base. In spite of all these efforts, Pakistan is not able to fully exploit its indigenous energy resources due to variety of reasons. Although, the thermal power generating capacity has increased rapidly during the last few years due to foreign investment, but at same time, it has caused increased air pollution and CHG emission with the result of degradation of health and ecosystem (Ziagham Nayyer, 2005). After the 1970s oil crises, the issues of security of energy supplies and sustainable use of energy sources have become very important policy issues. From then, there has been an increasing interest all over the world for alternative of conventional energy sources to ensure eco friendly sustainable development on the one hand and energy security on the other. This paper describe the potential of renewable energy sources in Pakistan WHY RENEWABLE ENERGY? After the oil crises of the 1970s, all the developed and non oil producing countries were faced with immense oil supply problems. There developed a wide spread economic recession all over the world due to the high oil prices. Moreover, with in rising green movement, the environmental problem became dominant in policy agenda The fossil fuel still continues to dominate the world energy supply. The fossil fuel consumption is more than the earth capacity to generate it. As a result, oil reservoir are draining out very fast and it is predicted that the remaining fossil fuels can only meet the worlds energy demand just three decades more (IEA, 2002a). Moreover, the environmental damage that is created by fossil fuels is also another crucial danger in the future. Along with environmental problems, climate change also created economic and social losses. If the current pace continues, the weather and climate losses will reach almost $ 150 billion by next decade (IEA, 2002a). Because of these reasons, Renewable energy has gained importune in the energy policy agenda Two important global environment initiatives have also stimulated greater interest in renewable in the world. The first was the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development (UNCED) held in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil in 1992. Renewables featured in both Agenda 21 and the Climate Change Convention (United Nations, 1992). Because of the important role of fossil fuels in the build-up of greenhouse gases in the atmosphere (it is estimated that the energy sector accounts for about half the global emissions of green-house gases) and concomitant climate change concerns, renewable are perceived to constitute an important option for mitigating and abating the emissions of greenhouse gases (Socolow, 1992). Renewable also featured high on the agenda of the Johannesburg World Summit on Sustainable Development (WSSD) in 2002. One of the targets proposed at WSSD was for every country to commit itself to meeting 10% of its national energy supply from renewable. Although the 10% target was not agreed to at the summit, there was general consensus that countries should commit themselves to promotion of renewable (WEHAB Working Group, 2002). The main advantage of renewable sources is that they are found in every part of the world depending on geographical and geological situations. In other words, they are indigenous energy sources. The countries does not need to import them, which means they can relieve the dependency problem on one hand and can save precious foreign exchange reserves on the other. Renewable energy has also economic and social benefits; such as jobs creation. In 2002, more than 14 millions jobs have created world wide in RE activities (IEA, 2002a). According to U.S. Department of energy, only in 2002, 25,000 new jobs were created in photovoltaic (PV) industry (Aitken, 2004). RENEWABLE ENERGY RESOURCES IN PAKISTAN Pakistan has wide spectrum of high potential of renewable energy sources, conventional and non-conventional as well, which have not been adequately explored, exploited or developed. As a result, the primary energy supplies today are not enough to meet even the present demand. Moreover, a very large part of the rural areas does not have the electrification facilities because they are either too remote and/or too expensive to connect to the national grid. So, Pakistan, like other developing countries of the region, is facing a serious challenge of energy deficit. Only 55% and 20% of Pakistans population has access to electricity and natural gas respectively. Moreover, about 80% countrys population lives in rural areas and most of them have no access of to electricity. In Pakistan, per capita primary energy supply is only 0.33 million tons oil equivalent (MTOE) while per capita electricity supply is about 520 kWh compared to Worlds average 2,500 kWh At present people are facing severe l oad shedding (about 10 hours a day) due to shortage of 3 GW power supply. Pakistan has very low indigenous fossil fuel resource base and with present rate of production, the indigenous recoverable reserves of oil and gas will exhausted in 14 and 21 respectively. Though there is enormous coal reservoir (185 billion tons) in the country but has not utilized so far due to variety of reasons. The prospect of nuclear energy is bright in Pakistan but high cost, technology barriers and international embargoes are the big hurdles in its course. This shows that conventional non renewable resources are grossly inadequate for meeting the future energy needs of the country. Therefore, development of the renewable energy sources can play an important role in meeting this challenge (Harijan et al., 2008). Pakistan stretches from 24 °N to 37 °N latitudes and from 61 °E to 76 °E longitudes. The total land area of Pakistan is about 800,000 km ². The landscape varies from lofty Karakoram and Himalaya mountains, with the K-2 peak (second highest in the world: 8,613 meters) to the famous desert of Thar and includes fertile plains of the river Indus and its tributaries. The offshore covers over 231,674 km ² in the Arabian Sea. In Pakistan, cropped and forest lands cover an area of about 23 million hectares and 4 million hectares respectively (AEDB website: www.aedb.org) There are quite a number of renewable energy sources, but the resources that are technologically viable and have bright prospects to be exploited commercially in Pakistan include, Solar (PV, thermal), Water (mega local macro-micro-hydel) Wind. Wastes (City solid waste, animal waste) geothermal. Pakistan can get benefit and use these as substitute energy in areas where sources exist. Water Energy Potential Hydropower is one of the oldest forms of energy mankind has used on a mass scale. Mechanical use of hydropower began thousands of years ago by the Egyptians and Greeks for irrigation and milling of grain. Its use for production of electricity dates back to the 19th century in 1882 electricity was produced for the first time by the use of hydropower (Asif, 2008). It is the most versatile source of energy being used in the world. It is renewable, abundant, environmentally friendly and technically mature. It is also regarded as the most economical form of energy. Hydropower is regarded as one of the most important sources of energy Pakistan can count on. Despite the presence of a strong base for Table-1: Proposed sites and their discharge, fall and power potential S# Name of Channel Location Discharge in fee/second Fall in Feet Power Potential in MW 1 Baloki-Sulamanki Link-1 RD106250 12500 10.64 10.00 2 Baloki-Sulamanki Link-2 RD33430 9000 17.86 10.72 3 Chanab-Jhelum Link (Tail) RD316622 13527 41.70 40.00 4 Upper Chanab RD0 16500 8.83 9.70 5 TP Link Canal (DG Khan) RD183000 12000 3.00 12.28 (Source: Hassan, 2002) this form of energy, not enough has been done to tap the precious resource. The hydro potential was estimated at about 50,000 MW out of which about 4,800 MW has been developed over the past 50 years through mega-hydel plants and the remaining has yet to be exploited (Kazi, 1999). The northern areas of the country are rich with hydropower resources. Hydrological survey also revealed that there is a great potential for 300 MW power generations through construction of micro hydropower plants in northern areas of Pakistan (Hassan, 2002). Besides, there is an immense potential for exploiting water falls in the canal network particularly in Punjab, where low head high discharge exists on many canals. Irrigation system of Pakistan is one the largest in the world having extensive network of canal of 160,000 km length. The canal system has a huge hydropower potential at numerous sites/locations on these irrigation canals, ranging from 1MW to more than 10MW, which can be utilized for developi ng small hydro-power stations (Hussan, 2002) Wind Energy Harnessing wind power to produce electricity on a commercial scale has become the fastest growing energy technology. Economic, political and technological forces are now emerging to make wind power a viable source of energy. Data shows that worldwide installed wind power capacity during the period 1996-2008. The total wind power capacity was only 6,100 MW which has increased tremendously and reached to 120791 MW in 2008. Pakistan has a considerable potential of wind energy in the coastal belt of Sindh, Baluchistan and as well as in the desert areas of Punjab and Sindh. This renewable source of energy has however, not so far been utilized significantly. The coastal belt of Pakistan is blessed with a God gifted wind corridor that is 60 km wide (Gharo ~ Kati Bandar) and 180 km long .This corridor has the exploitable potential of 50,000 MW of electricity generation through wind energy (AEDB website: www.aedb.org) Fig.1. Worldwide installed wind power capacity 1996-2008 (Source: http://www.ewea.org/) Fig. 2. Pakistan Meteorological Departments wind mapping stations Source: www.aedb.org Pakistan is a late starter in this field. It is estimated that more than 5000 villages can be electrified through wind energy in Sindh, Balochistan and Northern areas Country first ever commercial 50 MW wind farm has been inaugurated in April 2009 with cooperation of Zorlu Enerji Group of Turkey at Jhimpir, District Thatta, Sindh. Moreover, Projects for generation of 1200MW of electricity from wind are in different stages of development (AEDB website: www.aedb.org) Solar Energy Direct solar energy can broadly be categorized into solar photovoltaic (PV) technologies, which convert the suns energy into electrical energy; and solar thermal technologies, which use the suns energy directly for heating, cooking and drying (Karekezi and Ranja, 1997). Solar energy has for a long time been used for drying animal skins and clothes, preserving meat, drying crops and evaporating seawater to extract salt. Substantial research has been done over the years on exploiting the huge solar energy resource. Today, solar energy is utilized at various levels. On a small scale, it is used at the household level for lighting, cooking, water heaters and solar architecture houses; medium scale appliances include water heating in hotels and irrigation. At the community level, solar energy is used for vaccine refrigeration, water pumping, purification and rural electrification. On the industrial scale, solar energy is used for pre-heating boiler water for industrial use and power gener ation, detoxification, municipal water heating, telecommunications, and, more recently, transportation (solar cars) (Karekezi and Ranja, 1997; Ecosystems, 2002). Solar energy has excellent potential in areas of Pakistan that receive high levels of solar radiation throughout the year. Every day, country receives an average of about 19 Mega Joules per square meter of solar energy (AEDB website: www.aedb.org). During last twenty years Pakistan has shown quite encouraging developments in photovoltaic (PV). Currently, solar technology is being used in Pakistan for rural telephone exchanges, repeater stations, highway emergency telephones, cathodic protection, refrigeration for vaccine and medicines in the hospitals etc. The Public Health Department has installed many solar water pumps for drinking purposes in different parts of the country. Both the private and public sectors are playing their roles in the Popularization and up grading of photovoltaic activities in the country. A number of companies are not only involved in trading photovoltaic products and appliances but also manufacturing different components of PV systems. They are selling PV modules, batteries, regulators, invertors, as well as Source: www.aedb.org Fig. 3. Annual average mean daily Solar Radiation in Pakistan KWH/sq.m practical low power gadgets for load shedding such as photovoltaic lamps, battery chargers, garden lights System (SHS) project in 2005 and basic facilities of lighting, cooking and water disinfection were provided to 11 villages in remote areas of Pakistan. Based on success of this program, the government had approved replication of this project in 400 villages in Baluchistan Sindh (Source: www.aedb.org Energy from Waste For more than twenty years, Waste to Energy has been recognized as a clean, reliable, renewable source of energy. In America today 2,500 MW are solely generated by the waste-to-energy plants. Many other countries including Sweden and Japan have applied this technology since the last 20 years. In the subcontinent, India installed three projects to produce electricity from waste with a total capacity of 17.6 MW ( Shahid 2009) It is estimated that the urban areas of Pakistan generate over 55,000 tones of solid wastes daily ( Ziagham Nayyer, 2005) Unfortunately in Pakistan this source of energy has not been utilized for power generation in the past. The growing urbanization and changes in the pattern of life has given rise to generation of increasing quantities of wastes and its now becoming another threat to our environment. Energy generation from the Animal Waste Pakistan is an agricultural country. About 70% of the population resides in rural areas who meet 95% of their domestic fuel needs by burning bio-fuels Biogas is a potential renewable energy source in Pakistan. An estimate indicates that Pakistan has potential of generating 8.58 ÃÆ'- 1010 cubic meter of biogas 1287 million tones of cattle dung annually produced. The heat value of this gas amounts to 1.8ÃÆ'-112 MJ. In addition, 350 millions tons of manure would also produce with biogas (Illyas, 2006). More than 0.024 millions domestic biogas plans have been installed in Pakistan. These plants are of small size (1-10 m ) capacity and mainly used for cooking and other domestic applications. AEDB has facilitated the Landhi Cattle Colony Biogas project, which upon its completion will be one of the largest wastes to energy projects in the world, generating up to 50 MW of electricity. The pilot phase of 250 kW has been successfully initiated. This project is being implemented by Empower Company of New Zealand and will utilize waste of 400,000 cattle in the area to produce electricity (Source: www.aedb.org) Geothermal Geothermal energy is the energy derived from the heat of the earths core. It is clean, abundant and reliable. If properly developed, it can offer a renewable and sustainable energy source. At an international level, approximately 8,100 MW of geothermal power is generated, out of a global potential of 60,000MW (Marietta, 2002; Bronicki, 2001). Most of the high enthalpy geothermal resources of the world are within seismic belts associated with zones of crustal weakness such as plate margins and centers or volcanic activity. A global seismic belt passes through Pakistan and the country has a long geological history of geotectonic events: Permo-carboniferous volcanism (Panjal traps in Kashmir) as a result of rifting of Iran-Afghanistan micropiates, Late Jurassic to Early Cretaceous rifting of the Indo-Pakistan Plate, widespread volcanism during Late Cretaceous (Deccan traps) attributed to the appearance of a hot spot in the region, emergence of a chain of volcanic islands along the margins of the Indo-Pakistan Plate, collision of India and Asia (Cretaceous-Paleocene) and the consequent Himalayan upheaval, and Neogene-Quaternary volcanism in the Chagai District (Kazmi Jan, 1999; Raza Bander, 1995). This Geotectonic framework indicates that Pakistan should not be lacking in commercially exploitable sources of geothermal energy. Potential geothermal energy sites are identified at Sehwan in Sindh and Koh-e-Sultan in Baluchistan province Fig 4. Geothermal Springs of Pakistan Source: www.aedb.org Emergy, Net energy evaluations and environmental loading of Renewable Energy Sources There is a great potential of renewable energy sources in Pakistan. However, there are some key questions to be address before exploiting these resources. What will be the net energy and emergy from these energy systems? What will be new environmental load they create? Are these energy systems sustainable or not? Explaining these questions is beyond the scope of this paper but I will present a general view of above mentioned concepts. Net Energy Analysis Net energy refers to the ratio of the amount of energy produced to the amount of energy expended to produce it Net energy determines the usefulness of energy system to society. The usefulness of an energy system is determined by a complex combination of physical, technical, economic and social attributes. This includes energy density, power density, emissions, cost and efficiency of conversion, financial risk amenability to storage, risk to human health, and ease of transport. These attributes combine to determine energy quality. Energy returns for investment (EROI) is an important tool uses for net energy analysis. EROI is used to compare the amount of energy delivered to society by a technology to the total energy required to find, extract, process, deliver, and otherwise upgrade that energy to a socially useful form. Hydropower has the highest EROI among the renewable energy resources. Wind energy system has very favorable EROI in the right condition while solar thermal have low E ROI compared to hydropower. They key issue is the size of the surplus that can realistically be delivered by renewable energy system (Cleveland, C.J. 2008) Source: (Odum, H.T. 1998) Fig. 4 Energy transformation, storage, and feedback reinforcement found in units self organized for maximum performance Emergy Synthesis Emergy refers to Available energy of one kind previously required directly and indirectly to make a product or service (Odum, H.T. 1998). Emergy synthesis serves as an alternative method to evaluate the energy flows of a system. It provides a way to account for differences in energy quality, for environmental services provided to a system, as well as a means to measure a systems level of Emergy sustainability. To derive the solar emergy of a resource or commodity, it is necessary to trace back through all the resource and energy flows that are used to produce it and express these input flows in the amount of solar energy that went into their production. This has been done for a wide variety of resources and commodities as well as for the renewable energies driving the biogeochemical process of the earth (Brown, M.T. and Ulgiate, S. 2002) Emergy and energy accounting require systems diagrams to organize evaluations and account for all inputs to, and outflows from, processes. The structures and storages that operate our world of humanity and environment are sustained against the depreciation of the second law by productive inputs for replacement and maintenance. Maximizing the products and services for growth and support appears to be a design principle of self organization as given by Alfred Lotka as the maximum power principle. Pathways in Figure 4 illustrate the flows and conservation of energy. The storage is represented with a tank symbol. The heat sink symbol represents the dispersal of available energy from processes and storages according to the second law. The feedback from right to left interacts as a multiplier increasing energy intake. This autocatalytic loop is one of the designs that prevail because they reinforce power intake and efficient use (Odum, H.T. 1998) Source: (Brown, M.T. and Ulgiate, S. 2002) Fig 5 Aggregated energy systems diagram of an electric power plant, with main inputs and outputs shown and used to calculate performance emergy based indicators. Legends: R1=renewable inputs directly falling on the plant site (sun, wind, rain); R2=renewable inputs supplied by the local ecosystem and used by the plant in the production of electricity (cooling water and air, oxygen for combustion); R=locally renewable input to the process=max(R1; R2) as these inputs are driven by the same (solar) source; N=nonrenewable inputs (such as coal, oil, nd natural gas or groundwater that is used faster than it is recharged); F=goods and services from the economy (F) that are used to construct, operate, and maintain the power plant (construction materials, machinery, general supplies, human services, etc.); Y=Output of a process. Here, the electricity yielded by the plant. By definition, the output is assigned an emergy Y=R+N+F; =chemicals released by the power plant to the atmosphere (from combustion); H = Heat released by the power plant to the atmosphere and the cooling water Brown, M.T. and Ulgiate, S. (2002) evaluated six electricity production systems by using energy and emergy accounting system, in order to rank their relative thermodynamics and environmental efficiencies. They explored out/input energy ratio, emergy yield ratio (EYR) and environmental load ratio (ELR). Generation of CO2  has also been accounted for in order to compare renewable and nonrenewable energy sources Emergy yield ratio, EYR=Y/F=(F+R+N)/F Environmental loading ratio, ELR= (F+N)/R Emergy index of sustainability, IS = EYR/ELR The emergy yield ratio (EYR) provides insight into the net benefit of the various production processes to society. In fact, the higher the fraction of locally available energy sources (R+N) that are exploited by means of the investment  F  from outside, the higher the value of this indicator. Environmental loading ratio expresses the use of environmental service by the system. Environmental service is measured as the emergy of that portion  R  of the environment that is used. When EYR is high due to a high value of local renewable resources, then ELR is small, thus indicating a small environmental stress. On the contrary, when a high value of local nonrenewable sources contributes to EYR, then ELR increases, thus suggesting a larger environmental stress. Therefore, a simultaneous increase of both EYR and ELR, indicates that a larger stress is being placed on the environment; on the contrary, when EYR increases and ELR decreases, the process is less of a load on the surroundin g environment. Brown, M.T. and Ulgiate, S. (2002) concluded that wind generation and hydroelectric power plants have the highest EYR, while the oil fired power plant was the lowest. They also found that electricity generated using wind, geothermal, and hydro power plants had the lowest environmental impact, while fossil fired plants the highest. Further more they also found that the wind and hydroelectric plants had the highest-over-all aggregated (economic and ecological) sustainability, followed by geothermal electricity. CONCLUSION: Pakistan is facing severe energy crises. It is projected that energy demand-indigenous supply gap is increases from 27% in 2005 to 57% in 2030. It is planned that demand indigenous supply gape would be bridge by imported oil and gas. Consequently, import of energy would increase the energy import bill as well as energy security issues. The consumption of fuel will also degrade the environment. Renewable resources in the form of hydropower, wind. Solar PV, Biogas, geothermal etc. are suitable renewable technologies for Pakistan There is substantial potential of these Renewable Energy resources and should be developed for managing the current energy crises and meeting the future energy demand for Pakistan. However there is need of a thorough analysis of net energy and emergy gains from using renewable energy sources. There is also need of investigating the new environmental these alternative sources will create. They key issue is the size of the surplus that can realistically be deliv ered by renewable energy system

Ravenna Essays -- Art History Papers

Located in northeast Italy in the Emilia-Romagna region and the capital of the province bearing its name, Ravenna is internationally celebrated for its stunning ancient mosaics and rich history. Ravenna's prosperous past is evident in its wealth of still-standing examples of Byzantine art and architecture. Positioned near the Adriatic Sea on a marshy plain, Ravenna has served as a strategic ?capital three times: of the western Roman Empire, of Theodoric King of the Goths, and of the Byzantine Empire in Europe? (History, par. 1). By delving into Ravenna?s history, as well as its remarkable artistic achievements, the reasoning behind its popularity in tourism becomes clear. Ravenna was formed by the buildup of centuries of silt deposits from the annual flooding of the Po River branches. The floods repeatedly pushed back the waterline of the Adriatic Sea to the point where Ravenna now lies, about five miles from the coast (Benigni, par. 1). The exact origin of this ancient city is uncertain as a multitude of legends lay claim to its beginnings. The Greek historian Dionysius of Hilicarnassus stated that the city was founded seven generations prior to the Trojan War; however, a fellow Grecian, Strabo, claimed that the Thessalonians were the founders. Tradition, according to Bovini, grants the title of earliest inhabitants to the Etruscans due to the typically Etruscan suffix,enna, as well as the discovery of Etruscan artifacts while historiographers insist that the Umbrians were the first established people (7). Little is known about Ravenna's history until the end of the third century BC when it fell completely under the influence of Rome. Though the city lacked the agricultural strength that normally drew the attention of th... ... by the Roman fleet in Classe, the earth has shifted in a way that it now lies two to three kilometers from the ocean Theodoric?s sixth century Basilica of Sant'Apollinare Nuovo was originally intended for Arians as their own palatinate church.? With a 16th century portico made of marble, a cylindrical bell tower from the 9th or 10th century, and mosaics with an astounding surface area, this edifice is a remarkable glimpse into Ravenna?s history.? The mosaics representing the processions Virgins and Martyrs are typical examples of Byzantine style.? In 520, Theodoric built this structure as his tomb.? The Mausoleum of Theodoric most likely held his remains in the upper floor until their removal during Byzantine rule.? The structure is made of Istria stone, the roof being one single block, and is ?divided in two decagonal orders one above the other (par. 52).?